Alexandros Michailidis
Frequently Asked Questions
Questions & Answers
Answers to frequently asked questions
My activities are based on a precise and documented strategy with five main pillars. These five pillars are:
Maximum support for the Iranian nation's struggle
Maximum pressure on the Islamic Republic
Maximum defection from the regime
Organizing and mobilizing Iranians abroad to influence public opinion and policymakers in their countries of residence
Presenting a political and economic vision for the transition period and Iran's reconstruction
Strategically, these activities fall into two categories: activities focused on the current phase, the struggle until the overthrow of the Islamic Republic, mainly defined under the first four pillars. And activities focused on establishing a national government and transitioning to democracy after victory, which fall under the fifth pillar.
Regarding necessity, I must say that my model of change relies on the power of the Iranian people and is based on a national revolution. In such a model, the massive force of the people succeeds in confronting hundreds of thousands of regime armed forces only when at least some military, law enforcement, and security forces either join the people or at least declare neutrality.
This is why, while emphasizing the right of all regime victims to seek justice, I have always tried to distinguish between seeking justice and revenge. Truth-finding about all regime crimes and addressing cases of human rights violators and perpetrators of crimes against humanity must be conducted through a transparent transitional justice process.
Regarding possibility, we must note the difference between defection occurring and it becoming public. In regimes like the Islamic Republic, early public dissent by military and security forces can endanger their lives. Therefore, dissenters usually stay in the system until the last moment and strike from within. Recent developments confirm that defection is actually happening, though it hasn't reached its tipping point. To reach that point, we need to increase pressure on the regime while providing an exit path for those who want to leave. Both are necessary and complementary.
First, this military conflict is Khamenei's war, not a national patriotic battle to defend our homeland. The Islamic Republic regime has been planning and preparing for war with Israel for decades with the goal of destroying that country, wasting billions of dollars of Iranian national wealth. The cost of this warmongering and comprehensive support for terrorist groups in the region has been the spread of poverty and misery in Iran. For years, I warned Western countries that the solution to the Islamic Republic problem is not appeasement aimed at behavior change or containment of this rogue regime, but a solution that can actually prevent war once and for all: maximum pressure on the regime and maximum support for the Iranian nation in their struggle for freedom and democracy. What we see today, putting the region on the brink of larger military conflict, is the result of years of appeasement and paying tribute to the regime.
For the past 45 years, I have always emphasized that the main force for change in Iran is the power of the Iranian nation. In the struggle to overthrow the Islamic Republic, we have not counted on any foreign force or country's intervention and are not waiting for anyone's green light. I have also always said that if foreign countries support the Iranian nation and their struggle to overthrow this regime, they will have reduced the cost of change.
With this approach, I have never sought regime change through foreign military attack or invasion.
Now that Khamenei has put Iran at risk of war, my constant message to Iran's military forces to separate their path from the Islamic Republic becomes more important and urgent. As long as the Islamic Republic rules Iran, not only will the danger of war not be removed, but it will increase day by day. Iran's military personnel should not sacrifice themselves, their families, and Iran for Khamenei's apocalyptic ideology and his regime.