Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon.
Mr. Razmzan, Dr. Ganji, members of the NUFDI Board of Directors thank you for having me. It is a pleasure to be back with all of you and to speak, for the first time, at The Iran Conference.
I would like to begin by commending NUFDI on the remarkable progress it has made in the past few years. As recently as five years ago, the Iran conversation in Washington, D.C. was dominated primarily by the Islamic Republic’s nefarious lobby and secondarily by fringe groups. In only a few years, those two well-funded, state-backed interest groups were given a run for their money by an underdog– NUFDI. Now, finally, there is a true and honest voice for Iranians in Washington.
You should be proud of what you have accomplished, but there is much more to be done. Our challenge today in the fight for Iran’s liberation is not only political, but also economic. It is not only about freeing our people from political repression but also from the shackles of poverty. That is why I am so pleased to speak about the Iran Prosperity Project and the plan for and path to our nation’s economic reconstruction.
Nearly half a century ago, Khomeini, ever eloquent, defined the Islamic Republic’s economic strategy by proclaiming that “economics is for donkeys”. It was this ignorance and arrogance, beyond his brutality and backwardness, that destroyed the lives of millions of Iranians and cost the world a valuable trading partner, promising market, and reliable creditor.
Today, Iran should have been the South Korea of the Middle East, but has instead become the North Korea of our region. The Gross Domestic Product numbers prove it. In 1977, Iran’s real GDP per capita was more than two times that of South Korea. Today, South Korea’s is more than seven times that of Iran’s and, devastatingly, Iran’s real GDP per capita has never reached its pre-revolution level.
As a result of an economic policy determined by those who believe it should be guided by livestock, Iran has missed out on the digital and Internet revolutions, the globalization age, and we are in the midst of missing out on the Artificial Intelligence era. In addition to foregoing such new opportunities, Iran has given up our natural advantages, losing our leading role in the world’s energy market. Far from the pivotal supplier of energy we were 50 years ago, today, Iran is merely a marginal player. A corrupt few have prospered while a nation has suffered. But there is hope. Indeed, much more than just hope.
Unlike Khomeini, I will make no promises of free water, free buses, or free utilities. What I offer, instead, is a vision informed by ongoing consultations with renowned economists and successful business leaders. It is their expertise and knowledge that has helped me form the principles I believe should brace up our economy in a secular, democratic Iran.
First, economic policy must trust citizens to make decisions based on their own interests.
Second, the government should create opportunities for all citizens to thrive.
Third, policies should empower individuals by fostering personal responsibility and innovation.
Fourth, a dynamic economy depends on respecting private property and safeguarding it from interference.
Fifth, market mechanisms should guide economic interactions between citizens whenever possible.
Sixth, the government must remove barriers and foster conditions for domestic entrepreneurs by ensuring investment security and creating a business-friendly environment.
Seventh, controlling inflation requires fiscal discipline and the establishment of an independent central bank.
Eighth, barriers to women’s participation in the labor market must be eliminated.
Ninth, productivity, driven by enhancing human capital and adopting technology, should fuel economic growth.
Tenth and finally, Iran must rejoin the global economy and create conditions that attract foreign investment.
There are existing international protocols, organizations, and fora that provide the framework for Iran to immediately and effectively re-enter the global marketplace including the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the International Budget Partnership (IBP), the International Labor Organization (ILO), the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA), and the Stockholm Arbitration Institution (SCC).
In order to rebuild our economy, restore prosperity, and revive our nation, Iran does not need to reinvent the wheel. But we do need to abide by the economic principles that have helped other countries and regions to achieve economic revitalization.
In order to achieve that aim, both our people and basic practicality, demand a roadmap for economic recovery and national reconstruction. It is for that reason that I am so pleased to be here for the unveiling of the first phase of the Iran Prosperity Project. This team of economists and subject-matter experts are doing more than talking and philosophizing about Iran’s economic woes – they are developing concrete and implementable solutions.
As we have just heard, in the first phase of the project, which they have just completed, they have outlined the immediate financial and social stabilization plans for the first 100 days after the collapse of the Islamic Republic. Shortly, they will begin the second phase of the project focused on the transition period and the necessary political and legal stabilization, and the third phase focused on long-term economic reconstruction and investment opportunities.
As IPP will undoubtedly document in the next phases of its work, Iran is perhaps the world’s last significant frontier market. With 85 million extremely well-educated, young, talented people, it is yearning for investment and teeming with opportunity.
Around the world and in all sectors, it is Iranians who are running some of today’s greatest and most innovative companies. And these are not mere standouts, Iranians in the diaspora consistently rate amongst the highest educated and highest earning of any group. That natural ability combined with the drive and desire of today’s youth in Iran who have been deprived of so many opportunities, can propel us to become one of the world’s most advanced startup nations.
We can turn our universities from centers for indoctrination of our youth and segregation of women into leading global research centers using the ties of leading Iranian academics in the West with so many other brilliant academics, researchers, and scholars.
Our vast nation, from the shores of the Caspian Sea, to the meadows of Deylam, to the snow-capped peaks of Sabalan and Sahand in Azerbaijan, to the lush green mountains of Zagros in Kordestan, to the plains of Baluchestan, to the Arvand River in Khuzestan and the Helmand River in Sistan, to the Arjan Plain in Fars, to the deserts of Khorasan and Kerman, to the coastal towns and villages of the Persian Gulf, Iran can become a hub for regional and international tourists.
Of course we need not turn our back on our oil, natural gas, and petroleum industries. But instead of using it to fund terror, death, and destruction across the region we can use it to invest in our people, rebuild our nation, and diversify our economy for the long term.
Iran’s greatest untapped resource isn’t oil – it is the talent and drive of its people. And all of our people must be able to thrive. This economic recovery is of special importance for underserved areas of our country from the Kordestan province to Sistan and Balouchestan to Khouzestan to Lorestan and Kermanshah. These provinces and the Iranians who call them home have, for 45 years, been denied the most fundamental economic opportunities. In a free Iran, that must not stand. Our national wealth and opportunities must serve all Iranians.
Furthermore, disasters like the recent coal mine explosion at Tabas that killed at least 49 workers are all too frequent in Iran. Workers risk their lives on a daily basis and yet are denied the fundamental and basic dignity that their critical work demands and that their efforts have earned. The reforms outlined in this project would prevent such crimes against Iranian workers.
The necessity of this economic reconstruction is not just a matter of welfare for our citizens, it is a matter of security for our nation and stability for the region. It has been proven time and time again that governments that cannot provide the framework and opportunities for their citizens to thrive and prosper have been unable to sustain their democracies and their security. The plans being developed by IPP and our path to economic reconstruction are quite literally safeguards for the democracy we are striving to build.
This, my friends, is the opportunity the future holds, both for Iranians and for the outside world. But first the Islamic Republic must go. For in the past two decades, Iran has seen no measurable economic growth. This is simply not sustainable. That is why this plan and roadmap are so critical.
As I said last week in my address at the IAC National Summit, we seek partnership with the world. That partnership is not limited just to the political realm. Iran, when given the chance, will seek to again be a partner for investment, trade, and commerce.
This is the path ahead for us. This is how we can rebuild our nation and renew our ties with the world. Not through the tired old drivel that Khamenei’s henchman, Mr. Pezeshkian, has been sent to New York this week to deliver.
Iran is not only ready for fundamental change, Iranians are risking their lives to bring it about. The time will come and when it does, it will present a historic opportunity and an even greater responsibility for the Iranian diaspora. It is them, those of you gathered here today, that I would like to address in closing. In the aftermath of the Second World War and the Axis powers’ destruction of Europe, the United States launched the Marshall Plan to rebuild the continent.
Iran, too, after the destruction the Islamic Republic has wrought, will need a Marshall Plan. The fall of the Islamic Republic is not the end; but the beginning of Iran’s renaissance. This is what I, along with experts and business leaders, am planning for and working to bring to fruition when the transition happens. Be it for Iranians inside the country, the diaspora, or global investors, after nearly five decades, Iran will be open for business.
This is a project not just to bring down the Islamic Republic, it is a project to build up Iran. Soon, we will be able to rebuild our great nation together.
Thank you.